Fernando Ortiz: "On the eastern part of the island, are found the Lucumis, from the slave coast along the Calabar River, a people with well-formed features, noses thin, not sunk as in other groups, a serious, proud clan, less joyous than the ingrained melancholia leads to an exaggerated number of suicides; but they are quick and sensitive. They believe faithfully in brujo, black magic, and can do wondrous things either for good or ill, with toe-nails, pieces of clothing. vindictive pins and other implements. Occasionally a hill-billy still tattoos vertical slits down cheek and arm."

Yoruba
Cuba's transformation into a sugar-growing island is intimately linked via the slave trade to African history. It coincided with the collapse of the Oyo empire of Nigeria after decades of internal strife among the Yoruba and warfare with their Fulani neighbors to the north and Dahomeans to the west. Many Yoruba were taken to Cuba very late in the slave trade, especially during the years 1820-1840, when they formed a majority of (Africans) sent across the Atlantic from the ports of the Bight of Benin. The included several Yoruba-speaking subgroups, including the Ketu, Ijesha, Egbado, Oyo, Nago and others.

In Cuba, Yoruba speakers became known by the collective term Lucumí, after a Yoruba phrase, oloku mi, meaning my friend. As a result of slavery, the lineages and kin groups that had supported worship of the various orisha were disrupted. A new religion called santería arose, which grouped together many orisha, each of which became identified with a Catholic saint on whose day festivals would be held. From the ethnically-based cabildos of colonial Cuba, santería became organized into individual "houses," known as casas de ocha. It has since spread far beyond its original ethnic base, both within and outside of Cuba.

Entry into santiería is through a long process of initiation, during which an orisha is seated in the head of an iyawó, or initiate. As in other African-based religions in the Americas, music plays a critical role in bringing the orisha to dance in the heads of the initiates, and in creating and sustaining the ritual setting. The most sacred instruments among the Lucumí are the trio of batá drums, which when consecrated are called fundamento and are said to hold an indwelling deity called Añá. Batá are played at initiation ceremonies, in the presentations of initiates to the drums, at funerals, in ceremonies honoring the ancestors and in others that call for sacralized drums. Other Lucumí styles include ensembles of beaded gourds, known as abwe or chekeré, which are played, for example, in ceremonies celebrating ritual "birthdays;" and sets of bembé drums, usually cylindrical in shape, which may show non-Yoruba influences and are usually found in rural areas.

In the 1950s there was an increased infusion of Lucumí ritual styles and subject matter into the Cuban popular music mainstream. One important event was the release of an LP called Santero, which featured batá drummers from the Havana area and such popular singers as Mercedes Valdes, Celia Cruz and others, all singing in Lucumí. Celia Cruz and Gina Martin also recorded songs in conjunto format that were homages to different orisha.

More recently, the Cuban group Mezcla, featuring the great akpon (Lucumí song leader) Lázaro Ros, has been recording a new ritual-popular music, some in the style of French Caribbean zouk, some influenced by jazz and rock.

Batá are a set of three double-headed, hourglass-shaped drums. The largest iyá (mother), (E-Yah), is the master drum. The iyá calls the rhythms in, calls changes and conversations. Next in size, the itótele (means: follows completely), (E-Toe-Teh-Lay), follows the direction of the iyá answering the conversation calls and rhythm changes. The smallest drum okónkolo (O-Kon-Ko-Lo), sometimes referred to as Omele (O-May-Lay (strong child)), , for the most part plays ostinato patterns, also changing rhythms from the calls of the iyá.

Iyesá
	The Iyesá are a Lucumí "nation" still recognized as having a distinct musical style. Iyesá drums are played with sticks, usually in groups of three, with a fourth drum added for certain toques. Their combined rhythmic patterns are more unified than the three-way conversation among the batá drums. Agogó, or dance gongs, of different pitches that play interlocking patterns accompany these drums.

The last surviving Iyesá cabildo in Cuba is San Juan Batista, which was founded in 1854 in the City of Matanzas.

Ortiz stated: "The Carabali, also from the Calabar River, is below medium height and cuivrée, i.e., less black, in complexion. He is industrious, faithful, economical and independent. Originally worshipers of the shark, they were the originators in Cuba of the religious system of ñañigo, an offshoot of voodooism, involving in Africa, perhaps, human sacrifice, but changed in the New World to goat or cock sacrifice. Their ancient song, dance and sacrifice have been pre served in secret benefit associations, logias, the inner rites of which could be successfully screened from prying whites and the authorities."

And: "These logias spread to all the black groups in Cuba. Rival organizations developed; gradually they became maffias, produced feuds, slave revolts and other difficulties. On the lower social fringes whites, coming in contact with ñañigo, formed their own logias, taking over the black rites. These Carabalí lodges played their part in the independence movement and have had frequent political importance."

Also Ortiz's words: "Up until the present Machado government, the ñañigo devotees performed part of their ceremonies in public; they dressed up in odd costumes, with flowers, fiber collars, royal headdresses and, carrying enormous lanterns, danced and sang through the streets. These harmless and joyous demonstrations are now forbidden as indecent by white officials, dwarfed by the black people greater vitality and honest joy; even the lodges, though still existing, are illegal."

Ortiz's words are of course oudated you have to see them in his time frame, we see things differently today ...

In the first place it was part of a process of making the Africans hate each other, so they wouldn't rise up against slavery and kill the whites.... the "divide and rule" tactic. Secondly this kind of anthropology is now VERY out of date and seen as so stereotypical it verges on racism... it is no more possible to look at a black Cuban and say "they are a Carabali or a Kongo or Lucumi" than it is to look at a black African and say "they are definitely Mozambican" ... all racial groups have people who are 'typical' of their group, but ALSO has people who don't. These kinds of description are not only stereotypes - sometimes insulting - they are also tied in with a very long and shameful history of using physical anthropology (describing the way people look) as the basis for discriminating against them. (Think of the Darwin-era scientists like Francis Galton, who spent his life measuring black people's noses to "prove" they were closer to apes than humans ... or the Nazis photographing the "typical" wonderful Aryan or the "typical" Jewish nose or the "typical" degenerate Pole or Slav. This sort of description is not
always WRONG ... after all, it is safe to say, for instance, that afro-cubans are normally darker-skinned than "euro-cubans" ... but it is VERY TAINTED with bad associations of highly racist, pseudo-science.

Abakuá
In Cuba, peoples from southeastern Nigeria and southwestern Cameroon were known as Carabalí or Bríkamo, and they included the Ejagham, Efik, Ibibio, and others.

The Ngbe society became known as Abakuá, after the word Abakpa, a term by which the Ejagham of Calabar were designated. It took root in the Havana area and in Matanzas, where it became a considerable force in local politics. In eastern Cuba, two Carabalí cabildos still exist in the city of Santiago de Cuba, and play an important role in that city's carnival. The Abakuá leopard-masker, the íreme, has practically come to symbolize Afro-Cuban folklore.

Fernando Ortiz: "The most intelligent, but not the most interesting, of the black people are the Mandingás, in northern Cuba, originally from between the tenth and twentieth latitudes in Africa. One wing, especially the Fulas, had considerable cultural interchange with the neighboring Arabs; the music of both shows mutual borrowings. The Mandingás are a tall, muscular folk, amiable and faithful; but if ill-treated, they prove fierce and rebellious. The Yalofes, a war-like division, caused so much trouble, their further importation as slaves was forbidden. Like the Lucumis, the faces of the Mandingás are not so typically negroid, nose less flat, lips less prominent; the facial angle, even by western European standards, can be considered quite handsome."

How is it possible to know the Mandingàs where the most intelligent? And again Ortiz is generalising a group of human beings. To accept slavery for me is brave and morally strong. The words: "even by European standards" is very insulting and shows Ortiz felt himself superior and above the black people.

Fernando Ortiz: "The Congos and Haitians are the blackest. The Haitian immigrant is atrociously backward. The Congo is the best built of all the black people, despite his clumsy facial features—sturdy, lusciously shaped bodies quite too elegant for clothes. Both sexes display phenomenal grace in walking and in all their movements. The Congo has great perseverance, courage and dignity, but is refractory to education. Sleepy and lazy, he shrugs off insults easily, and though often quickly treacherous, is never rancorous."

Ortiz writes that Haitians are backwards, you can ask yourself by whom's standards and if it could be possible a white society with slaves was backwards. Second doubtfull saying from Ortiz in this alinea is if the Congo really was refractory to education. One can ask himself it might be possible that Congo people under slavery didn't want their white masters' education. Besides is it not a bit weird to say a slave was sleepy and lazy ... did Ortiz meant the Congo-black wasn't quick enough to obey whites ...

Congo
Of all the collective terms used to specify Afro-Cuban origins, "Congo" encompasses the greatest diversity of peoples brought to Cuba during the years of slavery. The names of the myriad Cuban Congo cabildos reflect the geography of the slave trade or else include African ethnic designations. Sometimes they bore the names of slaving ports (Loango, Benguela and Cabinda, the last also very important for Brazil), and sometimes they specified clan origins, such as the Nsobo (Bazombo) and Mayombe (Yombe),who also gave their name to a Cuban-Congo religion.

Members of one surviving Congo cabildo, San Antonio de los Congos Reales in the old colonial city of Trinidad, are still performing such archaic pantomime dances as the Danza de la Culebra (Serpent Dance), which was well known in colonial Havana as Matar la Culebra (Killing the Snake), and was performed by Kongo comparsas on January 6, the Day of the Kings. Many forms of contemporary Cuban music, including many of the rumba and carnival styles, are full of Kongo references and influences and display continuity with older Kongo forms.

The most common form of secular Kongo music during the 19th century incorporated the use of Yuka drums. Played in groups of three, they were made by hollowing out tree trunk sections of various sizes and nailing on cowhide heads. The largest and master drum is called the caja (Kah-Hah), which in typical Kongo fashion is held between the legs of the drummer. Another musician plays a pair of sticks against the body of the caja, often on a piece of tin that has been nailed to the base of the drum. This stick is called the guagua or cajita, which may also be played on a separate instrument. The middle drum is called the mula (Mu-Lah), and the smallest is the cachimbo (Kah-Cheem-Bo). A guataca is played as a time-keeper, and the caja player often wears a pair of wrist rattles.Yuka dancing featured the vacunao, a pelvic movement also found in Kongo-derived dance styles elsewhere in the Americas.

During the years of slavery, sugar estate owners would often sponsor Sunday festivals, called conguerías, and invite slaves from neighboring centrales to participate. Besides yuka drumming, which can still be found in some parts of rural Cuba, they featured song contests between competing soloists, called gallos, as well as makuta dances and maní, a now obsolete combat dance roughly similar to Brazilian capoeira.

After the Haitian revolution, many refugees, including French planters and their slave, fled across the narrow Windward Passage to eastern Cuba, where they established coffee plantations in the highlands around Santiago de Cuba. In that city and in Guantánamo, some of their former slaves and their descendants, who had clung to their Afro-Haitian culture, established their own cabildo-like associations, known as tumba francesa, or "French drum." There they played Haitian-style drums and performed dances with names such as masón and yubá (juba), similar to those found in Haiti today, and sang in Creole.

Rumba
The rumba is a set of rhythms and their associated dances, with three main divisions: the yambú, the guaguancó, and the columbia. According to some Kongo Elders, the modern rumba grew out of older rhythms that had been played on the yuka drums, with which there are some stylistic carry-overs: the rumba stick part is also called guagua; the wrist rattles worn by yuka drummers also appear in some forms of rumba; and the rumba song leader and chorus are called gallo and vasallo, respectively. The main stylistic difference is that the lead rumba drum is always the high-pitched quinto, the two deeper-toned support drums having taken over the ostinato patterns. The passage of the master drum from lowest to highest pitch may be considered an influence of European music on rumba drumming.

The three varieties differ in instrumentation, vocal style and choreography, but are all mimetic to some degree. The yambú is performed in slow tempo and is often thought of as an old people's dance. The dancer's gestures may mimic old age and/or the difficulty of daily tasks. And in yambú, you don't perform the pelvic movement.

The guaguancó is the modern, urban form of rumba. Its opening section, usually wordless vocal flourish reminiscent of southern Spanish singing, is called la diana, the Spanish word for reveille. After an elaboration of the text, called decimar, a chorus enters with a repeated refrain in the section called the capetillo, and here the dance element "breaks out": a couple, dancing apart, simulates the man's pursuit of his female partner, and her attempts to turn away and cover herself. The vacunao symbolizes his sexual conquest.

The columbia began in the rural areas of Matanzas, and is a male solo dance that features many acrobatic and mimetic movements. This may be the most complex form of rumba. In it, the dancer imitates ball players, bicyclists, cane-cutters, and a variety of other figures. He may also reproduce steps of the Abakuá íreme.

Batá-rumba
	The Batá-rumba was developed in a big band setting by Los Irakere, who added batá drums to their rhythm section. The new genre, called son-batá or batá-rock, entered the Cuban musical mainstream in the 1970s. Cuba has often demonstrated the gift of developing new genres by combining or crossing pre-existing ones.

The mozambique, for example, one of the major new rhythms to emerge in post-revolutionary Cuba, is the result of crossing mambo with conga. Batá-rumba creates a new kind of rhythmic complexity by "crossing" rumba and batá drums, and by combining Congo-based and Lucumí approaches to percussion and pulsation patterns.

Carnival
In Santiago de Cuba, cabildos and neighborhood groups took to the streets in June and July in Masked celebrations known as fiestas de mamarrachos, which extended from St. John's Day (June 24) to St. Ann's Day (July 26). In Havana, the cabildos held public celebrations on the Dia de los Reyes, or Epiphany (January 6), thus creating that city's first Black carnival. In both cities, these Catholic holidays were opportunities for the public display of African dress, dance and musical instruments.

Carnival has of course expanded from these beginnings, adding such elements as floats, allegorical dances, figures from contemporary popular culture, and dance bands. Yet there is a constant re-historicizing of the event, with reminders of its African roots. In the Havana carnival, for example, one can still see carved guardian figures similar to those that appeared in old cabildo processions described by Fernando Ortiz.

In another sort of historical reminder, carnival in Cuba now coincides with July 26, St. Ann's Day. It was on that date in 1953 that Fidel Castro and his troops attacked the Moncada barracks in Santiago while the city was absorbed in celebration. Cuban carnival now commemorates that event nationally.

Arará
The people known in Cuba as the Arará came from Dahomey, what is today the Benin Republic. They included Fon, Popo and Ewe groups, as well as some conquered peoples to their north. Arará cabildos were founded in Cuba as far back as the 17th century, and their names reflect regional and ethnic differences - hence the denominations Arará Dajomé, Arará Sabalú and Arará Magino. The second is a reference to Savalu, a town in northern Dahomey that was conquered by the Fon. It was inhabited by the Mahi people, recalled in the cabildo name "Magino." Many members of the Mahi priesthood were sent into slavery in the Americas, and they had an especially strong impact on Haiti vodun.

The name Arará is derived from the Dahomean city of Allada, and is related to the term Rada found in Haiti and to Arrada on the tiny island of Carriacou in the Grenadines. In both cases the name refers to Dahomean styles of drumming. Other outposts of Dahomean culture in the Americas include houses in the Brazilian cities of Sáo Luis do Maranháo, Salvador, Recife and Porto Alegre.

In Cuba the Arará were always a minority overshadowed by the Lucumí, and their distinctive cultural identity is now in danger of disappearing. Arará centers are still to be found in Ciudad de Matanzas, Jovellanos, Máximo Gomez and el Perico, all in Matanzas.

One characteristic of Arará music is the use of hand clapping and body percussion.

Fernando Ortiz: "The Minas and Gangás are lighter in color. The Mina is small, with a low brow, deep-set flat nose, prominent jaw and pronounced lips. He is delicate, impressionable, rather cowardly. The Gangás, from the Calabar slave coast, though usually considered very inferior, are most interesting. They are a long-headed, large-breasted Teople with vigorous physiques. Among them are still found traces of the old Majá, or snake-worship cult."

The history of slavery and racism against blacks is so long and so ugly - and it has always relied to much on seeing & describing black people only in terms of their bodies, not their minds - as machines for working rather than as people with feelings, families, memories, skills, intelligence and so on - that it is a very sensitive point which you must realise when reading Ortiz's views.

Much of Cuban culture is definitely negro in origin-music, folklore, dancing, some of the food. Music is a golden net which entangles the feet of every Cuban; the negro has given Cuban music a cachet recognized the world over. Father of our modern jazz, Cuban music has reached refined interpretation for both Cuban and Paris concert hall and operetta in the work of Moises Simón, who also has written some of the best danzón tunes, based on negro melodies, and is best known in this country for his Peanut Vender

In the plastic arts, negro influence, though as yet twice removed, also enters. The Cuban intelligentsia took up fevently the vanguardista movement in sculptoring; this has influenced the work of such artists as Sicre but especially Navarro. Many of the vanguardistas who might not have been so receptive of the new tendencies had they been derived directly from African-Cuban sources, unwittingly hailed with enthusiasm African forms delivered via Paris; but the basic black inspiration in them has perhaps caused such work to be more intelligible, hence more at home in Cuba, than in other New World Latin countries.

The Afro-Cuban possesses little literary tradition. In Africa literature was monopolized by a special class which carried on the group traditions. This protected class naturally never fell into the hands of the slave-traders, hence, the negro was brought to the New World shorn of his literary heritage, though popular song and dance and many old memories have been preserved. These have been recorded by, among others, that indefatigable folklorist, Dr. Fernando Ortiz, forced into exile because of the intolerance of the Machado regime.

The first notable negro in Cuban belles-lettres was the ill-fated Gabriel de Ia Concepción Valdès, who besides flaming love-poems and proletarian cantos, which made him the idol of all Cuba and carried his fame to far Hispanic lands, was a salty political critic. His biting polemics landed him in a prison cell, from which he continued to pour forth plaintive lyrics. Finally he was executed at the early age of thirty-five in the year 1844.

A group of modern younger negroes has recently become literary conscious and are turning out interesting work. The journalist, Gustavo E. Urrutia, for the first time, has turned public attention to basic facts in the black problems of Cuba. The poems of Regino Pedroso, though inspired by the modern proletarian movement, have definite black roots, form and phraseology. Of them all, the most outstanding is Nicolás Guillén, whose slim but brilliant book of verse, Sóngoro Coson go, is a violent, singing, lilting outburst of the black's heart. The lines swing to the rhythm of the rumba, of ñañigo dancing, to the beat of drums and rattles and dusky hands pounding out jungle music. Guillén represents a complete rupture with traditional Castilian verse-forms and a definite attempt to express black sentiments, thoughts and life in typical Afro-Cuban Spanish. Though not prolific, he has written the most vital poetry of modern Cuba.

Wilfredo Lam
1902, Sagua la Grande, Cuba; d. 1982, Paris
Wifredo Oscar de la Concepción Lam y Castilla was born December 8, 1902, in Sagua la Grande, Cuba. In 1916, his family moved to Havana, where he attended the Escuela de Bellas Artes. During the early 1920s, he exhibited at the Salón de la Asociación de Pintores y Escultores in Havana. In 1923, Lam moved to Madrid, where he studied at the studio of Fernando Alvarez de Sotomayor, the Director of the Museo del Prado (and a teacher of Salvador Dalí). In 1929, Lam married Eva Piriz, who died of tuberculosis two years later, as did their young son. This tragic event may have contributed to the dark and brooding appearance of much of Lam’s later work.